In
1977 a group of Nazis wearing and bearing swastikas marched in
Skokie, Illinois. Skokie is a town with a majority Jewish
populationi
and, having been warned of the upcoming event by the boasting of the
Nazis themselves, some citizens attempted to use the legal system to
prevent the march from occurring. The lawsuits aimed at doing so
worked their way quickly through the court system, and ended when the
Supreme Court affirmed the right of the Nazis to march.ii
There
is protection of our people, by the First Amendment to the
Constitution that established the United States, from intrusion into
their right to free speech. That dictum gave the marchers the right
to flaunt their prejudices untouched by the authorities. It is a
protection, however, from any action by the
government, and, at least on paper, does not limit a
private organization from deciding what speech it will permit. Thus
a newspaper can select which articles, letters, and opinions it will
publish, and colleges can evict an individual who disrupts a
speaker.iii
Perhaps
our laws should protect free speech from attacks by non-governmental
groups and individuals – but they don't. There are certain uses of
speech that are limited or prohibited by lawiv
or by the courts,v
but those are exceptions. (In addition there is some limitation on
the use of pejorative speech which targets “protected”
minorities; and the government becomes involved when it is used
during the commission of a crime. This turns it into a “hate”
crime with increased penalties. In this instance however, the
government is involved speech which, at the time uttered, is not
Constitutionally prohibited.)
But,
for the most part, free speech is not a feature that automatically
exists outside of government. And we impose added limitations on
ourselves and on others.
So
Los Angeles Clippers' owner Donald Sterling's racist remarks are not
protected. Indeed, Sterling's views have long been known throughout
the basketball community.vi
And yesterday NBA Commissioner Adam Silver imposed a lifetime ban on
Sterling's participation, in any way, with NBA activities. He also
fined Sterling $2,500,000, and asked other team owners to force
Sterling to sell the Clippers.vii
Silver's decision has been widely praised, not only by those
involved directly in the sport, but by the general public as well.
I
must admit that I am disturbed by a law that allows Nazis to spew
bigotry and hatred publicly, outside the homes of people whose
friends and families were murdered by those whom the marchers admire,
while words of bigotry and hatred are not protected privately inside
an individual's house. I should have thought the opposite to be true
– that we were free to think and believe what we want, and to speak
our minds freely within the confines of our own castles (it shouldn't
matter that what we said was unpopular or even, as it was in this
case, racist) despite their proscription in public.viii
The
widespread dispersion of someone's words or image has been made
possible and popular by the internet and the social media. The
Supreme Court may have decided that there was a Constitutional right
to privacyix
but the parameters of that right aren't clear. Ideally then, even if
speech isn't protected, the right to privacy should limit the damage.
Such privacy, though, which used to be the heritage of all except
“public figures,”x
now doesn't seem to be available to anyone. In this particular
instance, Sterling was recorded “illegally,” but the person who
made the recording will probably benefit greatly from the act and is
unlikely ever to be punished. The concept of privacy is dead. No
longer can you say what you think in public or in private; and you
take a risk even thinking it.
I'm
a hermit. I don't like to talk to people and I suspect my ideas
don't correspond to theirs anyway. If I have prejudices, I'm not
going to reveal them to anyone but you.xi
And you're not listening anyway. But sooner or later I'll be
“outed” and someone will take issue with what I think. I hope
so. I haven't had a good fight all day, and you can't force me out
of the NBA.
I Including
a large number of Holocaust survivors.
ii More
precisely, the Court decided that the Illinois Supreme Court's
action to stop the march was improper, and the group's First
Amendment rights would be violated.
iii They
rarely do however. Academic institutions take pride in allowing
“free speech,” especially the “proper” unpopular views.
They revel in declarations of their openness to all opinions,
emphasizing those popular with the faculty and with minority groups.
And many of them defend the disruption of some campus speakers as
the exercise of First Amendment rights by those who are disrupting.
Since, by doing so, they sacrifice the opportunity for free speech
by the speaker, their position is difficult is difficult to justify.
Even more so since the Amendment specifically deals with
governmental actions.
iv For
example libel or slander.
v Speech
aimed at causing a riot will not be permitted. The classic example
is falsely yelling “fire” in a crowded theater. There are,
however, other limitations on speech.
vi Though
they never were a matter of much concern until they were “tweeted.”
vii Whether
these decisions are legal is up to the lawyers to argue and the
courts to decide, but the remarks attributed to Sterling – and he
has admitted to having made them – have been widely condemned.
viii Actually
we should be able to speak our minds publicly as well, but some are
too “sensitive” to tolerate that.
ix Even
if the Constitution is unaware of it.
x Who
is a public figure and how can someone decide he doesn't want to be
one? Is it possible for someone to assert that he want's his
privacy – that the Supreme Court has told him he is
Constitutionally entitled to it? And if he makes such an assertion,
does it have any meaning?
xi PETA
be damned, I have a very low view of skunks. There. Now I feel
better. But don't tell them that or I'll never be allowed in a zoo
again. Anyway, they'd probably prefer to eliminate the zoos.