One
of the most remarkable political documents ever formulated was the
American Constitution. Because it was written in a new country –
one that had just broken with its past – there were few constraints
on the methods it chose to deal with the problems it faced and the
ones it foresaw. And it has remained in place to this day, though
not without many changes – both those which came about by the means
it prescribed, and those which had their origins otherwise.
Our
nation was founded as a result of perceived tyranny; at least that
was the sense of many of the white men who lived in the colonies.
There was no interest in the perceptions of women and even less in
the views of non-Caucasians. The governing document was formulated
in secret by a small number of representatives of the individual
colonies who, after a good deal of argument, agreed on a compromise
document that was acceptable to a majority, even if it wasn't viewed
as ideal by any of them. It was then presented to the voters of the
colonies – a minority of their residents – on a
take-it-or-leave-it basis. The decision was to take it, although the
Constitution's promoters were forced to agree to the formulation of a
Bill of Rights that would be added as the first order of business of
the new government.
Even
if the new system was less than many wanted, however, it was greatly
superior to anything that had existed before. Its writers scorned
the idea of monarchy and rejected in general the concept of classes
or of any hereditary status.i
There were provisions that would minimize the authority of religion
in public life, while simultaneously preventing the government from
involving itself in the religions of our country's citizens. Much
was made of the responsibility of the new country to protect those
citizens. In short, the new document was, from a political
standpoint, far to the left of what it replaced.ii
The origination of a modern liberal democracyiii
as an antidote to tyranny required a new “rulebook” to provide
its structure.
Much
has happened since the late eighteenth century – in philosophy,
economics, politics, history, and sociology, among other fields –
and America has remained at the forefront of republics based on
representative democracy. Our Constitution has endured as the solid
backbone of our political body. But that body and its backbone have
aged and have changed with the passing years.
The
changes have come about primarily by two mechanisms. There has been
amendment, as was authorized in Article V – a method which has
given us, among other things, the Bill of Rights, popular election of
senators, and guidelines for equality of the races and the sexes.
But more recently there has also been extensive alteration in the
Constitution based on a changed understanding by the Courts of the
document's meaning. Often their interpretations reflected social
changes corresponding to our citizens' wishes – but not always.
Still the Courts see hints in the Constitution of rights not
specifically listed or, in the view of many of our citizens, even
suggested. And it has found prohibitions not apparent to many.
But
the world has changed, and a document aimed at needs and beliefs
which held sway nearly two and a half centuries ago has required
updating. What was unique then can no longer make such a claim.
What was a “left-leaning” charter then is now the centerpiece and
jewel of the debate for those on the “right.” Whether that is a
good or a bad thing it has come about in a haphazard manner often
without the agreement of the people ruled by it. As such, it often
establishes law without the consent of the governed. And we sought
and obtained our independence because we viewed that as intolerable.
There
are strong feelings about the solution to the problem – indeed,
about the very nature of the problem. For many of our citizens the
proper response to the current situation is to keep the Constitution
we have, although they believe it should be enforced according to the
original intent of the Founding Fathers.iv
The amendments, which have become inherent elements, were
incorporated according to the rules provided to do so, and,
therefore, are valid and obligatory for us. But perhaps positions
taken based on the interpretationsv
of Supreme Court Justices and others, and never ratified by “We the
People of the United States,” lack the authority to bind us.
Others
consider the acceptance of the interpretations and the views of legal
scholars to be a proper way to adapt the document to a changing world
and a changing culture. And they consider the present system of the
balance of powers to be outdated. For them a stronger executivevi
is needed in order to run the country efficiently in the current
difficult and threatening times, and to provide leadership and change
when Congress does not act in a manner hevii
deems rapid enough, or in the national interest. Many would also
make explicitviii
many of the rights which have been assumed and implemented over the
centuries – often without obvious basis in the Constitution.
Still
others regard the entire document to be flawed and in need of
replacement. They might strengthen the states or weaken them. They
might eliminate the right to bear arms or they might outlaw it
entirely. Perhaps they would actively define “personhood” or
“marriage” or even “rights.” For many of them, any action
short of starting from scratch would be inadequate. It cannot be
ignored that the founders provided for change because they knew that
the document as written would require modification from time to time.
Some believed that the explicit consent of the governed would be
necessary, and that our fathers' laws were not binding on us.ix
There
is fear that any attempt to change the Constitution would get out of
hand. It is a valid and a very ominous concern. But similar fears
existed when it was first written and we are the better because our
predecessors took the risk. Change is never easy for a single
individual, and it will be an extraordinary achievement if our close
to 320 million population can reach some kind of agreement. But
perhaps now is the time to discuss the advisability of such an action
and, if that is the path we choose to take, the way we do so.
Next
episode: “For The Sake
Of Our Children”
– Live now so they can thrive later.
I At
least officially.
ii Admittedly
the concept of “left” “right” political division originated
during the French Revolution, after the United States had separated
from England, but the terms describe the political shift that
occurred when the American Revolution came about.
iii More
accurately, a republic.
iv Whether
we actually know their intent is debatable, but there are many who
are convinced that the views they hold are the ones to which the
founders subscribed.
v And
biases.
vi A
king, perhaps.
vii Or
she.
viii Some
would prefer to reject or limit.
ix Of
Thomas Jefferson, Cass R. Sunstein wrote in BloombergView,
“In a 1789 letter to Madison, he
argued that 'no society can make a perpetual constitution, or even a
perpetual law. The earth belongs always to the living generation.'
Every constitution, he held, 'naturally expires at the end of 19
years. If it be enforced longer, it is an act of force, and not of
right.'
“In 1816, specifically
rejecting Madison’s hope for veneration, Jefferson lamented, 'Some
men look at constitutions with sanctimonious reverence, and deem
them like the arc of the covenant, too sacred to be touched.' He
feared a situation in which people would 'ascribe to the men of the
preceding age a wisdom more than human, and suppose what they did to
be beyond amendment.'
“Trying to humanize
the founding generation, he said, 'It was very like the present, but
without the experience of the present.' When “new discoveries are
made, new truths disclosed, and manners and opinions change with the
change of circumstances, institutions must advance also, and keep
pace with the times.'
“'The dead,' he
contended, 'have no rights.'”
NB: My contrary opinion will appear on August 26th. I can't make up my mind.
NB: My contrary opinion will appear on August 26th. I can't make up my mind.
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