Sense
And Sensibility
When
I was growing up there was a spate of r0ad signs demanding the
impeachment of Warren. The target was Earl Warren, the Chief Justice
of the United States Supreme Court. Governor of California, he had
been appointed to the position by Dwight Eisenhower, President of the
United States – his nomination having been approved by the Senate
and then by Congress. He was, however, more liberal – and he led
the Court in a far more liberal direction – than had been
anticipated.
Had
the choice been a bad one? Was Governor Warren unqualified for the
position? Absolutely not. Was he the right man for the job?
Perhaps not. The two criteria don't necessarily go together. Chief
Justice Warren was well-schooled in the law, the Constitution. and in
American government, but his political philosophy – whether you
view it as right or wrong – was not shared by large segments of the
population. And the principal advocate of our judicial system
differed in many of his views from those for whom he judged the law.
The
Constitution was written at the end of the eighteenth century when
our country was founded, and the document contained the compromises
expected in such a contract. Not everything was agreeable to all our
Founding Fathers, but it was a good start. It was the basis for all
our laws, although there has been a lot of debate about some of
their wisdom. Our outlook has changed regarding many subjects over
the years, including the contents of our founding rulebook. Fair
enough. Times change, and with them ideas. Over the years there
have been numerous laws, at all levels, that have aroused the dismay
of citizens – often dismay reflecting changes that simply mirror a
reaction to societal differences over time rather than some political
quibbling. And even moreso court decisions – especially those of
the Supreme Court.
It's
not a surprise. Since the beginning there was a call for a a regular
review and updating of the Constitution. Thomas Jefferson was among
the group favoring frequent change, feeling that children should not
be bound by the views of their parents – moral or legal. In
addition, however, perhaps nine eminent legal scholars should
consider the perspectives of the American population – both the
majority and significant portions of the minority – when they
decide upon the “established law” that will govern our society.
It's sad for example, that Roe v Wade, a decision long ago repudiated
by the plaintiff, should still be inspiring invective and hostility
so long after it became the law of the land, over the protests of so
many. And it is surprising that “Doe,” of Doe v Bolton, whose
suit accompanied Roe's and, according to the nine sages, supported
its conclusions, disclaimed it and maintained that it was brought in
her name without her knowledge, but was contrary to her wishes and
beliefs.
And
there are other issues about which we ask the enlightened nine to
decide right and wrong although they are making sociological as well
as legal decisions. The original Founding Fathers
(all men) accepted the concepts of slavery, and the limitation of the
franchise to certain men. Yet we manage to nullify these features of
the “law of the land,” features with which the nine disagreed
and which violated societal norms, by simply “interpreting” them
out of existence. The Constitution is not inviolable when we want to
change it.
Perhaps
our Justices should consider how the American people feel and how
they they'd vote when they consider the cases before them. More is
involved in the law than the law than the law.
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